The New Class War: Saving Democracy from the Metropolitan Elite

Product Information

Instead of resembling the energy transitions of the past — from wood to coal and from coal to oil, gas, and nuclear — the present-day green movement is best viewed as a puritanical moral crusade like Prohibition, with Demon Oil and Demon Gas substituted for Demon Rum and Demon Whiskey. Lind has not offered any public reflection on why his expectations for the Biden presidency proved faulty. Nor has he revised his basic account of American politics, in light of Trump’s insurrection or Biden’s governing agenda. He has not retracted his claim that the “Establishment response to populism [i.e., Trumpism] threatens democracy more than populism itself.” Instead, he has carried on maligning the Democratic Party as a vehicle of professional-class tyranny, while saying precious little about the GOP’s pathologies. Public policy should encourage the limitation of the numbers of the genetically unfit, by voluntary or involuntary contraception, abortion, and euthanasia. Hamilton's Republic: Readings in the American Democratic Nationalist Tradition (editor). Free Press. ISBN 9780684831602. [30]

The disconnect between the Democratic Party and the social-engineering crusade of Lind’s imagination is widest on the “Green Project.” Lind does not mention the actual climate agenda that the Biden administration has enacted. Instead he defines it like so:ML: A simple but useful proxy for class is education. Members of the working class do not have four-year diplomas, though they may have some college education. I was criticised for arguing in The New Class War that education, not income, is the major dividing line between classes in the modern West. But in this case, the common-sense view is the correct one: an underpaid professor belongs to the overclass, while a plumber who did not go to university but earns twice as much is a well-paid member of the working class. Big Tech companies have managed to maintain an image of being cool and politically enlightened, even though they’re now more similar to how IBM was in the 1960s. A certain amount of bribery is involved, through the largesse they throw around in academia, in think-tanks, in the media and among politicians. And that influences the way people perceive them. Large corporations focus on all the issues that are considered left wing today. In the 1960s and 70s, race, gender and class were the trinity of the American left. Now class has been conveniently dropped, so it’s all race and gender, all of the time.

ML: There are two working classes, divided by geography and to some degree by origin, in the US and many western European countries. In the expensive hub cities, there is a large Lind, Michael (2009). Made In Texas: George W. Bush And The Southern Takeover Of American Politics. pp.x–xi. ISBN 9780786728299. ML: Multiculturalism is relevant in societies such as Switzerland or Canada (with its Anglophone and Francophone communities) in which two or more ethnocultural nations permanently retain their distinctness and there is little intermarriage.Even as Hanania tweeted statements as crude and contemptuous as any he made in his earlier career as “Richard Hoste,” anonymous right-wing donors showered him with money, allowing him to set up a non-profit, the Center for the Study of Partisanship and Ideology. He was also made a fellow by the University of Texas’s Salem Center for Policy, a group endowed by the Republican donor Harlan Crow among others, and invited as a 2023 lecturer at the new “heterodox” University of Austin. This fall, Hanania is scheduled to deliver a presentation at the Stanford University Graduate School of Business, the academic epicenter of the tech industry.

Taxing the eugenic elite hurts both them and the dysgenic majority, by redistributing resources that the creative rich can put to best use for the long-term benefit of the benighted majority. But in 2016, along came an anomaly that has overturned all the classifications and categories that you have so adroitly analyzed: donald trump. Lind is a fifth-generation Central Texan, of Swedish, English, Scottish and possibly German Jewish descent. [1] Born in Austin, he was educated in Austin public schools. His father, Charles Ray Lind, was an assistant attorney general of Texas, and his mother, Marcia Hearon Lind, was a public school teacher and principal. He attended the Plan II Liberal Arts Honors Program at the University of Texas at Austin, graduating in 1982 with honors. He received a master's degree in International Relations from Yale University in 1985 and a J.D. from the University of Texas Law School in 1988. [2] [3] Career [ edit ] This is really being driven by elite whites, not by members of minority groups necessarily. They pose as saviors and champions of victimized groups and take a highly melodramatic view of politics.” Since 2017, he has been a professor at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin. [12] He has taught courses on American democracy, American political economy and American foreign policy at Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and Virginia Tech's Arlington campus. [11] Views [ edit ] From left to right: Michael Lind, Ian Morris, Lawrence Freedman, Philip Bobbitt; "What Do Lessons from History Tell Us About the Future of War?" panel discussion at New America Foundation first annual Future of War conference, Washington, D.C., February 25, 2015Therefore, measured by education, I fall into the Democrat classification; but since 1978, having turned to Christ and spending many decades of fellowship with evangelicals, I would thereby be classified as conservative, and/or Republican. Another key dividing line in Lind’s New Class War is immigration. He argues that the metropolitan elites seek to hire immigrants as their housekeepers, nannies, and gardeners, on low wages and without labor rights. Lind shows that these elites not only prefer “illegal immigrants,” but have undermined efforts to naturalize them and provide them with equal political and workplace rights. Thus, their “culturally” pro-immigration stance is nothing but an act of self-interest. Yet while these elites face no penalty for breaking labor law, immigrant workers’ wages remain so low so that working-class people — native-born and immigrant — end up competing over social and public services in underfunded communities. This patronising view extends to Hispanic voters, Lind claims, noting that 29% of them voted for Trump in 2016. “If those groups vote for Republicans, they’re accused of betrayal or of suffering from false consciousness.” In 1999 he co-founded the New America Foundation (now New America) with Ted Halstead, Sherle Schwenninger, and Walter Russell Mead. At New America from 1999 to 2017 he was at various times Whitehead Senior Fellow, co-founder and co-director of the American Strategy Project, co-director of the Next Social Contract Initiative and an ASU Future of War Fellow. [11]