Rojas, Fernanda (18 October 2019). Written at La Paz. " 'Andy', el joven protegido de Evo Morales que aspira a convertirse en su sucesor"["Andy", the Young Protégé of Evo Morales Who Aspires to Become His Successor]. La Tercera (in Spanish). Santiago. Archived from the original on 23 December 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. This article analyses the efforts of President Morales (2006–19) in implementing the world's first supply-side harm-reduction drug policy focused on supporting legal coca farmers while sanctioning illicit coca cultivation. Morales’ efforts were constrained by previous US-supported policy that divided Bolivian coca farmers, creating divergent interests with respect to reform. In line with US pressures, in 1988 Bolivia adopted the Law of Coca and Controlled Substances (Law 1008), which closely mirrored a similar US-promoted law in Peru. Footnote 5 Law 1008 distinguished traditional coca cultivation zones from non-traditional zones; targeting the latter with militarised eradication that caused violence and social unrest. Footnote 6 Responding to this social discontent, President Morales, a coca farmer, adopted the ‘Coca Yes, Cocaine No’ (CYCN) drug programme, an innovative harm-reduction approach that distinguished coca from cocaine and expanded legal production and community control. However, the new CYCN programme coexisted with Law 1008 for over a decade. Evo Morales renuncia a la presidencia de Bolivia y denuncia un golpe de Estado"[Evo Morales Resigns as President of Bolivia and Denounces a Coup d'état]. BBC Mundo (in Spanish). London. 11 November 2019. Archived from the original on 10 April 2022 . Retrieved 2 June 2022.

Compared to Chapare, there is less research on CYCN in La Paz. This is problematic because La Paz includes the largest number of coca growers overall and the highest quantity of traditional growers, who were positioned differently under Law 1008. CYCN was less successful in La Paz precisely because traditional cocaleros in control of ADEPCOCA constrained government efforts to implement a uniform coca-control policy across the national territory. In particular, ADEPCOCA leaders claimed Law 1008 protections to resist the cato limit and social control in their areas, and also opposed state efforts to extend legal coca cultivation in non-traditional zones. However, ADEPCOCA supported government enforcement of a larger cato of 2,500 square metres for the majority of Yungas cocaleros settled in transitional zones. Footnote 100 Rojas, Fernanda (24 December 2019). "Andrónico Rodríguez Ledezma, precandidato presidencial del MAS: 'Mientras Evo tenga vida va a guiar al partido y a Bolivia' "[Andrónico Rodríguez Ledezma, MAS Presidential Hopeful: "As Long As Evo Is Alive, He Will Guide the Party and Bolivia"]. La Tercera (in Spanish). Santiago. Archived from the original on 26 February 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Los liderazgos se construyen, no se designan o asumen a través de decreto.

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Evo aparece como primer senador del MAS en Cochabamba; Andrónico es tercero"[Evo Is Nominated for First Senator of the MAS in Cochabamba; Andrónico Is Third]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. 3 February 2020. Archived from the original on 27 February 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Cocalero is every bit as green and scary looking as Agwa, but it’s definitely a different animal. For starters, it’s made in Dublin, Ireland. Apparently, it’s quite popular overseas, and now it’s coming to the U.S.: Valdez, Carlos (19 November 2020). "Evo Morales retoma el control del mayor sindicato cocalero"[Evo Morales Retakes Control of the Largest Cocalero Syndicate]. Chicago Tribune (in Spanish). La Paz. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 19 November 2020 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Andrónico Rodríguez un politólogo de 32 años de origen quechua quien ahora es presidente del Senado. Evo y Andrónico son ratificados como presidente y vicepresidente de las federaciones del trópico"[Evo and Andrónico Are Ratified as President and Vice President of the Federations of the Tropics] (in Spanish). La Paz. ERBOL. 20 September 2021. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.

a b Zapata, Verónica (10 January 2020). "Conozca el joven que lidera la resistencia en Bolivia: Andronico Rodríguez"[Meet the Youth Leading the Resistance in Bolivia: Andronico Rodríguez]. Motor Económico (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 11 January 2020 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Rojas Medrano, July (10 July 2019). "Molina y periodista aparecen en la lista del MAS para la ALP"[Molina and Journalist Appear on the MAS List for the ALP]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. Archived from the original on 13 November 2019 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Nearby, a group held up a banner commemorating Roberth Calisaya, 20, who was killed last year when soldiers opened fire on demonstrators in Santa Cruz. Predictably, ADEPCOCA did not support La Asunta growers in their struggles against forced eradication. La Asunta leaders told the press that ADEPCOCA had ‘… sold out to the government’. Footnote 122 Meanwhile, more than a thousand La Asunta growers descended on the capital city of La Paz, forming a ‘human carpet’ at the doorstep of the Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural (Ministry of Rural Development), demanding that their coca be protected and encouraging government eradication in other non-traditional zones such as Caranavi and Palos Blancos, and areas of expanding coca production in Apolo. Footnote 123 Eventually, forced eradication extended to all of these zones, thus galvanising broader resistance which sometimes turned violent. For example, Caranavi cocaleros planted crude explosives called cazabobos in their coca fields to deter eradication teams. Footnote 124 In Palos Blancos, protestors ambushed eradication teams, causing injuries and the arrest of 13 coca farmers in 2010. Footnote 125 Bolivia’s new leftwing president, Luis Arce, has distanced himself from his predecessor and has not taken part in Morales’s caravan to Chapare province.There’s one more oddity to the Cocalero story as well, and it’s this: The liqueur has apparently become extremely popular in Japan. For whatever reason, Cocalero is the hot new club drink, being mixed as “Cocalero bombs” with Red Bull or other energy drinks, in combinations that I can only assume taste about as good as most American “bomb” drinks.

Valdez, Carlos (19 November 2020). "Evo Morales retoma el control del mayor sindicato cocalero"[Evo Morales Retakes Control of the Largest Cocalero Syndicate]. Chicago Tribune (in Spanish). La Paz. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 19 November 2020 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. A supporter holds a poster of Morales during a rally to welcome him to Chimoré on 11 November. Photograph: STF/APIn contrast, the Chapare federations’ proposed law called for a legal limit of 20,000 hectares of coca, which included 7,000 hectares gained under the Cato Accord for Chapare and 13,000 hectares of legal coca for the Yungas of La Paz and Vandiola. Footnote 138 Additionally, the Chapare law proposition recognised all cocaleros as originarios with the same legal status. Footnote 139 Importantly, the Six Federations conditioned their electoral support for MAS on the expansion of legal coca, a strategy that assured the approval of additional hectares, while also providing further evidence of the power cocalero organisations had to shape national policy. Footnote 140 The final promulgation of Law 906, enacted in March 2017, strongly conformed to the Chapare version, thereby illustrating the Six Federations’ strong political influence on the Morales government. The promulgated General Law equalised the status of all coca growers and initially granted Chapare's proposed expansion to 20,000 hectares. However, that limit was later increased to 22,000 hectares, distributing 14,300 to La Paz regions and 7,700 to Chapare. The latter was in response to protests by non-traditional Yungas growers, represented by COFECAY, who argued that the new law disproportionately favoured Chapare. Footnote 141 The expansion accounted for the number of registered growers, but it was controversial because earlier studies estimated domestic demand for coca leaf in Bolivia at 14,700 hectares, considerably less than the 22,000 hectares permitted under the new law. Footnote 142